Reviewing Roe v. Wade

Our collective ambivalence toward Roe v. Wade started with the decision on January 23, 1973, and reflected our own uncertain treatment of sexuality and of women. Nearly 30 years later, Roe's anniversary still provokes a look at how far we have come and how far we have to go. In 1996, 1.37 million abortions were performed in the United States, a decrease from the approximately 1.61 million in 1990. Both sides of the debate on the issue took credit for this decrease. Today, more women are using highly effective contraception than ever before. But more women find that, when needed, there are few available places to get an abortion. Some women have no abortion provider in their entire county of residence. Physicians, clinics and hospitals cite harassment by anti-choice groups among other difficulties in providing a full spectrum of medical services to women, according to the Alan Guttmacher Institute. Although the aging of baby boomers partially explains the decrease in abortion, most of the drop is from the decrease in unintended pregnancy related to the use of better contraception. Teens began using long-acting injectable contraception such as Depo-Provera, not available before 1992. Pro-lifers in support of the Equity in Prescription Insurance Coverage Act -- which mandates insurance coverage of contraception -- have proof of reduction in abortion from improved contraception use. Furthermore, violence that shuts down providers stops the provision of contraception as well -- a dubious victory. And sadly, Pennsylvania has a long history of provider violence. Allegheny Reproductive Health of Pittsburgh and Hillcrest Women's Medical Center of York both suffered arson attacks. And on September 29, 1993, Planned Parenthood of Lancaster suffered an arson attack resulting in $130,000 in damage. Nationally, 1,700 acts of violence swept the nation against abortion providers between 1977 and 1994. Now, women are facing the appointment of an attorney general who is a deep foe of Roe. John Ashcroft will be charged with upholding Clinton-era provider protection legislation. Ashcroft's long and reactionary opposition to choice does not bode well for clinic protection, although the former Missouri senator and governor claims that he will uphold the law. Ashcroft may be slyly referring to the possible stacking of the U.S. Supreme Court against Roe, which, although upheld in Planned Parenthood v. Casey (a case originating from Pennsylvania opposition to abortion), could easily be overturned by a conservative Supreme Court. Unfortunately, college-age women are among those most likely to suffer the assault on Roe, especially those living in Pennsylvania. Fifty-two percent of all U.S. women getting abortions are younger than 25 years old. Pennsylvania is among the top two states with the least abortion provider facilities in metropolitan areas, along with Texas, which leads the nation. Altoona, Beaver County, Erie, Johnstown, Lancaster, Sharon, State College and Williamsport provide little or no abortion services at all. Meanwhile, the Commonwealth has dragged its feet in enrollment for the Children Health Insurance Plan, a program which provides health insurance to uninsured children. It is up to the state to publicize and organize CHIP enrollment, but enrollment in the Pennsylvania program lagged when other states boasted burgeoning rosters. Yet the data is suggestive that to reduce abortion, women must not view parenthood as impossibly expensive. Two-thirds of women in large-scale studies who get an abortion report that they cannot afford a child. Half say that they do not want to be single parents or are having problems with a husband or partner. Problems with a partner traditionally may include alcohol, drug abuse and domestic violence. Pro-lifers support the decrease of abortion by supporting legislation such as the Violence Against Women Act. Support of legislation that guarantees every U.S. citizen a treatment bed for drug or alcohol addiction will have an impact on the segment of women having abortions who fear for the safety and well-being of a child in their household. Will compassionate conservatives lead the charge? Compassionate conservatism becomes an oxymoron when the second item on the agenda of the new administration is tax cuts. With tax cuts there is no room for EPICC, no increases in VAWA, CHIP, treatment beds or stepped-up prosecution of pro-life violence. With massive tax cuts, compassionate conservatism becomes the buzzword in a cheap trick, the only item in an inaugural address that barely managed to awake cheers from an audience dozing in icy rain. During this 27th anniversary week of Roe v. Wade, it may be that women are still scapegoats in a ploy wielding sanctimony without substance for easy, responsibility-free votes. Happy anniversary.

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