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(10/31/94 10:00am)
Democratic gubernatorial candidate Mark Singel has been in politics for most of his adult life. But he is hoping six months in 1993 will secure him a place in Harrisburg for the next four years. Singel, currently Pennsylvania's lieutenant governor, spent half of 1993 as acting head of the Keystone State while Governor Robert Casey recovered from heart and liver transplant surgery. During that time, Singel established a record of bold leadership. He killed a legislative pay raise and proposed a corporate tax cut, which was later included in Casey's 1994-95 budget. He also signed a death warrant and 53 other bills including workers compensation reform and a bill stiffening the penalties for carjacking and stalking. But Singel, who easily won in the Democratic party primary in May, has had trouble getting his message across during the general election campaign. A number of Republican state senators have been quoted dismissing the 41-year old Singel as "an immature frat boy." While the Penn State graduate admits he likes to have fun -- he plays electric guitar, has a taste for beer and poker and has been known to throw snow balls at the state troopers assigned to protect him -- Singel vigorously denies the frat boy image. "It's highly insulting for anyone to suggest the lieutenant governor of this commonwealth is a lightweight," he said last month. "It just isn't true. No one has demonstrated grace under pressure like I have. An objective look at the record shows Mark Singel is ready to do the job." Just when Singel seemed to have overcome that overly happy-go-lucky label, the Ridge campaign launched an attack based on Singel's voting record on the Pennsylvania Board of Pardons and designed to paint Singel as "too liberal on crime." Singel was slow to respond to the ads and eventually acknowledged voting 60 times in the last four years to commute the sentences of convicts who had already served many years of their life sentences. Then came the news that Reginald McFadden, one of the criminals whose sentences Casey had commuted upon recommendation of the Pardons Board, had been arrested in New York on rape and kidnapping charges. McFadden is also suspected in a separate murder case. At a hastily called press conference the night of McFadden's arrest, Singel said he regretted McFadden's release. His campaign went on the defensive, arguing that McFadden had been an exemplary prisoner and Singel was not the only member of the Pardon's Board to recommend the convict's release. Singel countered by going after Ridge's record as an assistant district attorney in Erie, Pa., claiming he had plea bargained over 80 percent of his cases. Recently, Singel tried to shift the political discourse away from crime, initiating a bus tour to emphasize his efforts to help working families. But the damage to Singel's campaign has already been done. Ridge, originally behind in the polls, pulled even with Singel over the last month and the race is now considered a dead heat. Singel warns his opponents -- which include two lesser party candidates in addition to Ridge -- not to underestimate him. He has spent his entire political career preparing for the governorship. After holding two chief of staff jobs with U.S. Representatives Helen Meyer (D-N.J.) and Peter Peyser (D-N.Y.), Singel defeated long-time incumbent Louis Coppersmith in 1980 to become state senator from his hometown district in Johnstown, Pa. During his second state senate term, Casey endorsed Singel as his running mate in 1986 and Singel won two fierce primary battles to stay on Casey's ticket in both 1986 and 1990. Despite endorsing Singel as his running mate, Casey's support for Singel's greater political ambitions have often been tepid. By most accounts, Singel performed admirably while serving as acting governor for Casey, but Casey has not been very visible as a champion for Singel in this year's campaign. And Casey passed over Singel when selecting a replacement to fill the seat of U.S. Senator John Heinz, who was killed in a plane crash in 1991, and chose Harris Wofford instead. A year later, Singel lost out on a chance to compete for Pennsylvania's other senate seat, losing to Lynn Yeakel in the Democratic primary. Singel has said this defeat taught him the importance of having enough money and as a result, he has worked hard this year to keep up with Ridge financially. In 1993, Singel delayed a special election to fill a vacancy in a Republican district so Democrats could keep control over the Commonwealth's budget process. This year, he challenged the leadership of his own party by refusing to set another special election in the Senate's second district, where ballot fraud by Democrat Mark Stinson prompted a federal court to give the election to Republican Bruce Marks.
(10/31/94 10:00am)
and Greg Montanaro Seven students and a visitor to the University were assaulted in four unrelated incidents in a 20-hour period this weekend, University Police Sergeant Mike Fink said last night. In three of the four attacks, groups of 10 to 20 men beat individual students. The events were in conjunction with Mischief Night, the night before Halloween. The first assault occurred at 37th and Sansom streets early yesterday morning at about 1:22 a.m. EDT. A student was walking with a friend when a man jumped off his bicycle and assaulted the students. The assailant took their money and credit cards, and then fled on his bike, according to Fink. An hour later at 1:25 a.m. EST -- after Daylight Savings Time set in -- at the same location, three students were assaulted by a group of about 10 males who jumped out of a pickup truck and a Ford Mustang. In this incident, no robbery occurred. Two of the three students were taken to the Hospital of the University of Pennsylvania, where they were treated and released. Last night shortly after 8 p.m., two students were assaulted by a group of about 20 males who first threw eggs at them, and then punched and kicked them. The students managed to escape, and then hailed a taxi-cab. They later refused hospital treatment, Fink said. Finally, at about the same time, a 32 year-old University graduate student was knocked off his bicycle near his home at 45th and Locust streets, and beaten by a group of about 15 juveniles and men. The student received cuts to the left eyebrow and left knee. Fink said a member of a West Philadelphia-based town watch organization -- which is in direct radio contact with University Police -- witnessed the assault, and chased off the assailants while contacting University Police. The student was transported by police to HUP, where a hospital spokeswoman said he was in stable condition last night. Fink said he could not speculate whether the incidents were related to "Mischief Night," activities -- which in recent years have brought violent acts on the night before Halloween. He added that the incidents appeared unrelated.
(10/27/94 9:00am)
An obscure six-term congressman from the extreme northwest corner of Pennsylvania, Republican gubernatorial candidate Tom Ridge was having trouble getting recognized even after winning his party's nomination last May. His Democratic opponent, Lt. Governor Mark Singel, was better known -- having spent six months as acting governor while Robert Casey recovered from surgery -- and had a slight lead in the polls. Then Ridge and his Madison Avenue image-makers found an issue with resonance -- crime. Suddenly, Ridge was getting national press, battering away at Singel's base of support with a wave of negative television ads. Having emerged from the mud-slinging tied with Singel in the latest polls, the congressman from the 21st district is planning to launch a new round of television spots. This time, Ridge says the ads will be positive, trying to tell voters who Tom Ridge is and why he should be the Commonwealth's next governor. Campaigning in Philadelphia this week, Ridge was hundreds of miles and seemingly a culture away from his roots in the small city of Erie, the largest population center in his district. But the 49-year-old Ridge is confident that his background will be an asset in this election, helping him transcend the rural and urban political cleavages that often divide politics in this state. It was in Erie, an industrial enclave on the Ohio border, that Ridge was born in 1945, the son of a meat salesman who moonlighted as a butcher and a shoe store clerk. Ridge went to Harvard University. Drafted in 1967, Ridge went to Vietnam as an infantryman and was decorated for valor. Later, he got a law degree and served as an assistant district attorney in Erie before deciding to run for Congress in 1982. Although Singel has attacked Ridge, dubbing him the "candidate from central casting," because of his made-for-politics good looks and reportedly bland personality, Ridge has exploited his history as a prosecutor in his attacks on Singel's record on crime. Having established himself as the candidate of law and order, the GOP contender also believes his personal history demonstrates a strong work ethic and an ability to make compromises. Singel has accused Ridge of having a lackluster legislative record in Congress and of being a GOP hack. Ridge protests, pointing to efforts like a law that gives banks incentives to increase lending in poor neighborhoods. After working on the bill for four years with with Representative Floyd Lake (D-NY), Congress recently enacted it. Ridge said he will try to build a bipartisan consensus in the state house if elected. He also points to his efforts to obtain federal disaster relief for his district -- ravaged by tornadoes a few year ago -- as evidence of his ability to get things done. But political observers have criticized Ridge for sitting on the fence on a number of issues. Although he is a Catholic, Ridge supports abortion rights, but he also supports the tough laws restricting abortion in Pennsylvania. He has opposed bans on assault weapons, but he voted for the federal crime bill that contained a similar ban. And he said he will consider allowing riverboat gambling -- seen as a source of potential revenue for Philadelphia -- but he also said he is generally not in favor of the idea. Singel has taken similarly ambiguous stands on some of these issues, leading some to comment that it is hard to differentiate the two major party candidates. Ridge's attacks on Singel's crime record helped set him apart. And Ridge is hoping to further distance himself from his opponent by pushing two new issues in these crucial last two weeks of the campaign: jobs and reductions in state business taxes.
(10/25/94 9:00am)
At a time when the sound and fury of the American political spectacle fills the airwaves across the state, Pennsylvania's second Congressional District -- which includes West Philadelphia -- has been remarkably silent. And that silence is music to the ears of State Senator Chakah Fattah, who, having defeated incumbent Congressman Lucien Blackwell in last May's Democratic primary, is expected to sweep Republican opponent Lawrence Watson two weeks from now. Fattah, a Philadelphia native and a 1986 graduate of the University's Fels Center of Government, is no stranger to political office. The second-term state senator from the seventh district -- which includes both University City and West Philadelphia -- has spent the last 12 years in State Legislature, first in the House from 1982 to 1988 and then in the Senate. But national office has thus far eluded Fattah. When prominent area Congressman William Gray stepped down from his second District seat in 1991, Fattah decided to throw his hat into the ring. But, entering the race late and running as a candidate of Consumer Party, Fattah was soundly defeated by Democratic Party candidate Lucien Blackwell. Fattah said he was not disappointed by the loss because he had helped shape the political agenda Blackwell brought to Washington. "It's not important who the messenger is, but what the message is," he said on the night of his defeat. But, two years later, Fattah and a good number of others in the district were dissatisfied with Blackwell's message, said Raymond Jones, Fattah's press secretary. Fattah decided to once again challenge Blackwell for the Democratic nomination and what many observers believed would be another lopsided race in Blackwell's favor suddenly turned into one of the hottest races of the primary season. The election came to be viewed as a great generational battle. Fattah, 37, a member of the new generation of black politicians -- capable of reaching out across racial, economic and class boundaries with strong grassroots campaigning -- was pitted against 64-year-old Blackwell, whose flamboyant style and old political machine were attacked as out of touch with today's urban reality. "Chaka's style is more about coalition building," Jones said. "It's about getting a variety of folks who would never get in the same room together and convincing them that everyone has something to gain through cooperation." Blackwell's campaign suffered a major blow after it was revealed that his supporters had forged approximately 50 signatures on petitions needed to place the incumbent Congressman's name on the ballot. Although Fattah decided to drop the charges against Blackwell rather than reveal the names of those who alerted him of the fraud, Blackwell's campaign never fully recovered and Fattah edged him out to capture the Democratic party nomination in the primary election. In the overwhelmingly democratic second district, that nomination assures Fattah an easy victory this November. Fattah's GOP challenger, Watson, is a perennial also-ran, having faced and lost to Fattah in State Senate races twice before. Watson's campaign is so-low profile its headquarters did not take out a listing in the Philadelphia phone book. Although Fattah has no specific plans he wishes to implement upon his arrival to Congress, he said last week that he will continue to push for urban renewal, education reform and changes in public housing. He favors more low-rise, communal building projects. Political experts say Fattah will be a man to watch on Capitol Hill with the potential to play a strong leadership role in the Congressional Black Caucus. In addition to being a graduate of the Fels Center of Government, Fattah has other University links. He attended the Wharton Community Education Program and his daughter, Frances Fattah, is a college sophomore.
(10/12/94 9:00am)
America's cities are drowning in a sea of economic and social problems -- but Philadelphia Mayor Ed Rendell is tossing them a life preserver. Rendell's New Urban Agenda, announced last April at the National Press Club in Washington, is designed to let the federal government help cities help themselves. "The New Urban Agenda asks the federal government to become a partner in the effort to help America's cities compete for public and private sector jobs," Rendell writes in his policy paper on the agenda. "What cities need more than federal dollars is a change in federal policy." Combining tax credits, relief from unfunded federal mandates and incentives for urban investment are nothing new in ambitious urban planning. Other mayors and self-styled new democrats have also declared agendas for idealistic reform, but Rendell's stands apart, both in terms of its packaging and his own influence. Epitomizing the new ideal American mayor, Rendell has won nearly universal accolades for putting Philadelphia back on its feet, pulling the city out of a $230 million budget deficit in just three years. And no mayor has President Bill Clinton's ear like Rendell. Often testifying before Congress on urban issues, Rendell also is the mayoral point man for the Clinton administration on issues ranging from the Crime Bill to Americorps national service program. "He's the administration's favorite mayor," a spokesman for the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development said. Capitalizing on his friendship with the President, Rendell has taken his New Urban Agenda to Clinton, who has ordered a review of the initiative. And, in an unusual display of bipartisanship, Senator Arlen Specter (R-Pa.) has introduced legislation in the Senate based on Rendell's plan. And as the federal government debates Rendell's program, many urban experts believe the future of the American city hangs in the balance. "All of America's cities are on greased skids," University Public Policy and History Professor Theodore Hershberg is fond of saying. "What differentiates one from another is the angle of descent." Hershberg's metaphor describes a trend which the New Urban Agenda intends to reverse, not just in Philadelphia, but across the country. Philadelphia's own descent into the seamier side of American urbanization is well-chronicled. In the last 25 years, 263,000 jobs have left the city -- 110,000 in the last decade alone -- taking with them 30 percent of Philadelphia's tax base. And while Rendell's leadership may have put the brakes on Philadelphia's slide, economic and social problems persist. "Despite the remarkable progress that many cities and their people are making in the effort to help themselves out of trouble, there is no question that without help of the federal government, America's cities are in imminent danger of being overwhelmed by the economic and social problems they face," Rendell writes in introducing his plan. "For too long, America has turned its back on the cities, even though we as a nation are coming to the realization that the problems of the cities are shared by all Americans: those in the cities simply suffer first and longest." Three of the New Urban Agendas recommendations concern the Empowerment and Enterprise zones established by Clinton after he took office in 1992. The federal government provides incentives for businesses to move into the zones, which include some of the most economically depressed urban areas, hopefully resuscitating the surrounding community. The New Urban Agenda seeks to maximize the impact of these zones. It asks the federal government to require that a certain percentage of its own operating purchases be made from businesses in these zones. And, like all of the Agenda's proposals, the federal procurement proposal is designed to be revenue-neutral. "If we are going to see changes that are politically viable, they have to be based on no net new dollars," Hershberg said. Despite initial startup costs, the Agenda states that competition in and between Zones could be expected to drive down costs and eliminate any adverse impact on the federal budget. It also asks that the federal government require a percentage of foreign aid be purchased through the zones. The Agenda notes that the U.S. -- which will distribute $14.6 billion in foreign aid this fiscal year -- with few restrictions attached, while other countries require foreign aid be used to purchase products produced in their nation. But Hershberg, who generally approves of the mayor's plan, criticized the idea of requiring the federal government or foreign governments to purchase a set percentage of their goods from urban areas. "Of all [Rendell's] suggestions, the one we found least likely in terms of politics was expanding the Feds definition of the empowerment and enterprise zones in making government procurement," Hershberg, who asked his Urban Studies class to analyze the urban agenda, said. "If the goods and services were competitive, they ought to go with the cities, but you don't want to reward the cities if they are inefficient." The New Urban Agenda also suggests changing federal policy to "create a powerful presumption in favor of distressed and urban areas" whenever the U.S. government decides to build or relocate federal facilities. A 1978 executive order issued by former President Jimmy Carter is supposed to require the federal government to give a preference to cities in all such decisions. But the order contains a large loophole, allowing it be routinely circumvented by federal agencies claiming a move out of the city was in their best interests. The New Urban Agenda recommends that Clinton issue a new executive order to seal the loophole and help distressed urban areas. Agencies would only be able to dodge consideration of depressed urban areas if they could present "a compelling case" in favor of another location. The president would then have to approve this decision. In deciding whether to locate federal facilities in urban areas, the New Urban Agenda calls for creation of an "Urban Impact Study" -- similar to the currently existing Environmental Impact Study -- to look at the total range of costs and benefits involved. "The Urban Impact Statement simply asks of Washington: if you cannot help us, at least stop hurting us," the Agenda states. The initiative also demands that additional preference be given to depressed urban areas that have lost 500 or more defense industry jobs in the past five years or which are scheduled to lose 500 or more defense jobs in the next half decade. "The playing field should be sharply tilted toward cities," Rendell argues in the Agenda. "The right hand of government too often fails to consider the impact of its decisions on the right hand of government." Rendell also urges the federal government to restore several powerful incentives for urban renewal eliminated in a 1986 tax code revision. And chief among these initiatives is the Historic Rehabilitation Tax Credit. "The tax incentives are very significant in their impact although these are in a sense negative expenditures," Hershberg said. "But they are politically more palatable than new spending programs." He added that Philadelphia, with its rich history, was able to take advantage of this rehabilitation tax credit more than most other American cities. The Urban Agenda also favors legislation -- now pending in Congress -- that would allow local communities to issue commercial industrial development bonds. These bonds provide tax-exempt status for projects where more than 10 percent of the bond proceeds are used for private business activities. And Rendell advocates several other tax code changes to help cities restore their failing infrastructure. Another key component of the New Urban Agenda calls for legislation, some of which is currently pending, that would make compliance with federal mandates voluntary until the government comes up with the money to pay for them. The number of such federal mandates has grown tremendously in the last 35 years from two in 1960 to 66 this year. One of these mandates, requiring curb cuts and ramps to be installed in all city intersections by 1995 as part of the Americans with Disabilities Act will cost the city $140 million to implement. This amount is three times the total city budget for street resurfacing and reconstruction. Regional cooperation is high on Rendell's Agenda too. In an increasingly global business environment, Philadelphia and the greater Delaware Valley has to compete not just with other American cities, but with Germany's Ruhrgebiete, Japan's Osaka region and the Lyon region of France. In order to accomplish this, greater regional coordination and flexibility in federal transportation funding is needed, according to Rendell. The New Urban Agenda proposes that the federal government lift restrictions on community-based housing development. Such a change would allow federally-supported Community Development Corporations to build larger projects and would allow more federal rent subsidies to go to low-income housing sites, rather than to individual tenants within these sites. Finally, Rendell's plan calls on Washington to stimulate environmental clean-up of city property. The Urban Agenda states that Congress should reform Superfund legislation, mandates and guidelines for the clean-up of environmentally hazardous sites. Under the plan, cities would be granted a "governmental exception," freeing them from responsibility for environmental damage at abandoned urban industrial sites acquired for redevelopment. This would encourage urban renewal. The Agenda also states that Superfund clean-up requirements be streamlined, eliminating unnecessary regulations and placing "a premium on reclaiming urban brownfields." Congress had planned to undertake Superfund reform during the past session. However, faced with protracted gridlock over issues ranging from health care to trade legislation, Congress adjourned for the year without any changes in the environmental law. With Clinton in the White House, Rendell sensed a political opportunity and originated the concept of a New Urban Agenda last winter, according to Mark Gaige, deputy mayor for intergovernmental relations. Rendell and Gaige assembled a task force which spent ten weeks writing the New Urban Agenda. "We didn't consult any models or paradigms," Gaige said. "We just sat around a table with the mayor at the lead and talked to various parts of the government and brainstormed." Gaige said Rendell has received only positive feedback to the plan so far, noting that the Clinton administration has undertaken a full review of the plan and the Council of Mayors has voiced its support. Hershberg said three areas which the New Urban Agenda fails to address include education, crime and the disparity between the city and suburbs. He said Rendell probably did not want to address these issues because they are politically controversial and not under the direct jurisdiction of the federal government. Other University urban studies experts agree and universally applaud Rendell for his efforts. "We are incredibly fortunate to have [Rendell] as the mayor of Philadelphia," Ira Harkavy, director of the University's center for community partnerships, said. "He has brought national attention to our city and created a sense of optimism with a 'can do' attitude" Harkavy said Rendell understands the necessity of cooperation in bringing about fundamental changes in urban America. "The key question for any mayor today is to reach out across different constituencies and engage the expansive resources of the city to solve the problems of the city," he added. Urban Studies Lecturer Edward Schwartz said the New Urban Agenda does not go far enough in addressing the complex problems facing urban America. "[The Agenda] is necessary and useful as a framework for economic assistance to the city, but it falls short of what will be needed to address the most serious problems that urban America and cities like Philadelphia face," Schwartz said. "The targeting of federal contracts is a practical way to create jobs, but we also have to fight harder for education and training programs that will make urban Americans more able to participate in the emerging work force." Gaige said Rendell hopes to hear back from the Clinton administration soon, but the fate of the Agenda remains uncertain. Kevin Feeley, Rendell's press secretary, said Specter's bill and several other pieces of legislation contained pieces of the New Urban Agenda, but because the Congressional term expired without any action on them, the proposals will have to be reintroduced next session. And if the bills are passed and the Clinton administration acts on Rendell's suggestions, then Rendell may win a place in history not just as the man who put the brakes on Philadelphia's decline, but the man who rescued the American City.
(10/11/94 9:00am)
It could be "Willie Horton" revisited as the Pennsylvania governor's race degenerates into the muddiest election fight in the state. Democratic gubernatorial candidate Lt. Gov. Mark Singel is on the defensive after a man, whose sentence he voted to commute earlier this year, was arrested in New York Friday on charges of rape and kidnapping. The man, Reginald McFadden, is also suspected in another murder case. Singel, already under attack from his Republican opponent Tom Ridge for being too lenient with criminals, is trying to control the political damage. In 1988, George Bush used a similar incident, involving a furloughed Massachusetts inmate named Willie Horton, to paint Democratic presidential candidate Michael Dukakis as weak on crime. "It is a decision I will regret for the rest of my life," Singel said at a hastily called press conference late Friday night. "It was the worst decision I ever made in my career." In an ad the Singel campaign released earlier in the week, Singel acknowledged voting 60 times in the last four years to release prisoners serving life time sentences after they had already spent significant time behind bars. But Singel said he is proud of his record and that the 60 prisoners were only a small fraction of the total number who came before the Board of Pardons. The Ridge campaign quickly seized on the apparent turnabout. "Last week Mark Singel defended his record and said he didn't regret the decisions he'd made," a Ridge spokeswoman said yesterday. "It is unfortunate that it takes two terrible crimes for him to admit his mistake." McFadden could prove to be Singel's Horton, but Ridge must be careful that his use of the issue does not cause a backlash. When Ridge ran a television spot featuring a woman who had been raped by a juvenile and attacking Singel for opposing adult sentences for minors who commit violent crime, Singel countered that Ridge was exploiting a rape victim for his own political gain. Ridge has also avoided criticizing the retiring Casey, who actually commuted McFadden's sentence, because Casey is popular among the conservative, working-class Democrats the Ridge campaign is targeting. Ridge has expressed his sympathy to McFadden's victims and he has not decided whether to make the convict the focus of his next political ad, his spokesperson said yesterday. In 1988, Bush was accused of divisive racial politics for using Horton as an issue in his campaign. In the Pennsylvania race, both sides have engaged in mud slinging. Singel, criticized by some in the Democratic party for being slow to respond to Ridge's attacks, recently ran a television ad accusing the Congressman of missing votes. Before McFadden's arrest, Singel and Ridge were neck and neck in the polls, with some indicating that Singel had a slight, but slipping, edge.
(10/04/94 9:00am)
If in politics, money speaks louder than words, then the University is shouting. University employees have contributed $35,912 to political campaigns during the 1993-1994 election cycle, according to Federal Election Commission records obtained last week. Just under 95 percent of this money went to support Democrats, indicating strong liberal tendencies among the University community. Only $1,950 was donated to Republicans. And while anti-incumbent sentiments may be running rampant across the country, contributions from University employees do not support this trend. Only 12 percent of the donations went to challengers of either party. Several top University administrators gave thousands of dollars in personal contributions to area political contenders, the records indicate. William Kelley, director of the University Medical Center, gave $500 to Senator Harris Wofford's (D-Pa.) re-election campaign. John Gould, vice president and director of University planning, contributed $250 to Congressman Thomas Foglietta's (D-Pa.) re-election campaign. University Secretary Barbara Stevens also contributed $250 to Wofford. She said yesterday that this money was donated for personal reasons having nothing to do with the University. David Morse, assistant vice president for policy planning, gave $250 to the re-election efforts of Congressman Robert Borski (D-Pa.) and Foglietta. He also contributed $250 to Senator Arlen Specter's (R-Pa.) 1998 campaign. Thomas Gerrity, dean of the Wharton School, donated $250 last April to Republican Ellen Harley's now-defunct campaign for Congress. Gerrity has been a long-time supporter of Republican causes. Between September 1991 to April 1992, he contributed a total of $8,000 to political causes, including $5,000 to the National Republican Senatorial Committee, a group which dispenses money and resources to Republicans running for Senate. Notably absent from the records were University President Judith Rodin and University Provost Stanley Chodorow. Rodin's husband, Paul Verkuil, donated $500 each to Congressman James Oberstar's (D-Minn.) re-election campaign, and Bob Carr, a Michigan Democrat who is running for Senate this year. Carr and Oberstar hold key positions on House transportation committees important to Verkuil in his job as president of the American Automobile Association. During the 1992 election cycle, former University President Sheldon Hackney gave over $3,500 to national and local campaigns. And former Interim President Claire Fagin donated $500 to support Wofford this year, along with another $200 to the Democratic National Committee. Alumni and Trustees -- often big givers to the University -- were also heavy hitters in the political arena. Alvin Shoemaker, chairperson of the University Board of Trustees, gave $4,750 to Republican efforts. His donations included $1,750 to Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison's (D-Tex.) re-election bid and $2,000 to the Republican National Committee. Susan Catherwood, vice chairperson of the Trustees, also gave $1,000 to Harley's campaign. She also gave $1,000 to Specter and $500 to Wofford. The man who gave the seed money for the Revlon Center, University alumnus Ronald Perelman, gave $45,620 -- more than all those working for the University combined -- to both Democrats and Republicans campaigns around the country. Moguls Walter Annenberg and Saul Steinberg gave $6,750 and $5,250 respectively to a variety of political causes. Under Federal law the most an individual can contribute to a single campaign is $1,000 during the primary and $1,000 during the general election phase of the race. The most an individual can donate to a national party committee is $5,000. All contributions over $100 must be reported to the Elections Commission. The University -- as a non-profit organization -- is restricted from giving money to any political cause. But, the University does not place any restrictions on employee donations.
(09/29/94 9:00am)
When Senator George Mitchell announced Monday that national health care reform was dead, no one -- except perhaps the president -- was more disappointed than Harris Wofford. Wofford, Pennsylvania's democratic junior senator, put health care on the national agenda, making it a defining issue in his successful 1991 election bid against former U.S. Attorney General and Pennsylvania Governor Dick Thornburgh. This was one full year before President Clinton would begin championing the cause in his own campaign. But today Wofford is in a tight race for re-election against Congressman Rick Santorum, a Republican from western Pennsylvania. With his political fate closely linked to the Clinton presidency -- Wofford was a potential Clinton vice presidential pick -- and to health care reform, Republicans consider Wofford one of the most vulnerable Democratic incumbents in America. The GOP needs a net gain of seven seats to recapture the Senate for the first time since 1986. And Republicans are hoping a Santorum victory will highlight Democratic weaknesses, serving as a harbinger of re-election trouble for Clinton in 1996, much as Wofford's defeat of veteran GOP pol Thornburgh in the 1991 special election sent shock waves through the GOP. Before the election, Wofford was appointed to serve a six-month term after Republican Senator John Heinz was killed in a plane crash. Wofford disputes the idea that this November's Senate vote is a referendum of the Clinton presidency. "I don't think Congressman Santorum is going to fool the people of Pennsylvania," the Bryn Mawr resident said in an interview this week. "This race is between him and me and not him and Clinton, as the Congressman seems to think." Santorum has tried to play up Wofford's relationship to Clinton, in recent television ads attacking Wofford campaign adviser James Carville, who engineered Wofford's 1991 upset as well as Clinton's 1992 victory. Santorum has also attempted to characterize Wofford as a Democratic party hack, controlled by the White House. But Wofford said James Carville is not the issue. And Wofford emphasizes that unlike Santorum -- who almost never voted against former President George Bush's agenda during his first term in Congress -- he has voted against Clinton on several significant issues, including the balanced budget amendment, the super-conducting supercollider and the future of the Strategic Defense Initiative. Wofford acknowledges that this November's election has national importance, but he thinks it will send a different message to the country than the one the Republicans are pushing. "Just as in 1991 my election to the Senate signaled people wanted Washington to be shaken up and changed, I think that in 1994 people will be looking to Pennsylvania to see whether or not people want us to go forward," Wofford said, adding that he plans to salvage the Clinton agenda if re-elected. "It's about whether they want someone who represents progress or whether they want someone who represents the failed policies of Bush and Reagan," he added. Wofford blames "Republican obstructionism" and partisanship for derailing Clinton's domestic agenda and killing health care reform. He said Santorum has been "in lockstep" with the GOP leadership in blocking Clinton's domestic program. "We have seen in this last year the most extreme form of petty partisan bickering that has produced gridlock on so many things," Wofford said. "This election is about whether people who want to build coalitions to transcend partisanship or those who want to obstruct and use partisanship to block anything are going to prevail." Wofford said that if re-elected he will try to break roadblocks in Congress by reaching out to moderate Republicans. He is especially concerned about the ultimate fate of health care reform. "Health care is not only a fight I have to continue to win but it is symptomatic of the bitter and petty partisan politics that have gripped the country," the 68-year-old senator said. Ideologically, Wofford's views offer a contemporary twist on traditional New Deal liberalism. During the 1960s, Wofford worked as an adviser to President Kennedy and later helped organize the Peace Corps along with Sargent Shriver. He continues to be a strong supporter of national service programs, including Clinton's Americorps initiative. Wofford says this program is doing more with less government bureaucracy than any programs of Kennedy's New Frontier. He has also supported a Civilian Community Corps -- a new take on the Civilian Conservation Corps of the 1930s -- to help revitalize America's neighborhoods. Wofford was one of the first white students to earn a law degree from the traditionally black Howard University in Washington, D.C. He later served on the U.S. Civil Rights Commission before being brought aboard the 1960 Kennedy campaign as a liaison to the black community. Some historians credit Wofford for helping Kennedy solidify black support in the final days of his campaign, urging him to call Coretta Scott King and express concern for the safety of her husband, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., who was being held in an Alabama jail. Wofford has a long-time association with the University. His wife, Claire, worked here for many years, most recently coordinating the celebration of the University's 250th anniversary. He is also a friend of former interim President Claire Fagin.
(09/27/94 9:00am)
The University is about to acquire an important piece of Philadelphia history. But some historic preservationists worry that the 18th Century Man Full of Trouble Tavern, believed to be the oldest tavern in the city, will be too much trouble for the University to maintain. The Knauer Foundation, which owns and operates the Man Full of Trouble Tavern -- consisting of two restored colonial buildings located at 127-129 Spruce Street in Society Hill -- is negotiating to give the museum site to the School of Arts and Sciences. The school would like to convert the buildings into residences for visiting faculty and dignitaries, according to Charles Bronk, SAS director of facilities management. Bronk said SAS has been looking for a site to house long-term guests for years and no appropriate sites have yet become available in West Philadelphia. But city officials, historic preservationists and area activists are disappointed about the loss of the historic tavern, which is "perhaps the oldest house of entertainment remaining from early Philadelphia," according to a resolution passed by the Philadelphia Society for the Preservation of Landmarks in 1959. When it heard that Virginia Knauer -- whose husband, Wilhelm, established the Knauer Foundation and saved the building from destruction in 1960 -- was closing the museum, the Historic Preservation Committee of the Society Hill Civic Association tried to prevent the building from being given to the University. "First of all the neighborhood generally wanted to maintain it as a museum and we were very hopeful it would be maintained as a museum," Dick Ostrander, president of the civic association, said last week. Bronk said SAS will maintain the buildings' outside, but has no intent to run the property as a museum. The civic association and city officials -- including Mayor Ed Rendell -- tried to get the Knauer Foundation to lease the property to Historic Philadelphia Inc. But, according to Charles Peterson, a prominent local architect active in saving the buildings and a friend of the Knauer family, the city's offer did not remove the Knauers' legal and financial liability for the buildings. Bernice Hamel, who chairs the civic association's preservation committee, said she is concerned the University will not be maintain the type of constant vigilance necessary for preserving old buildings. She noted that something as simple as a truck or bus idling outside can severely damage the foundation of such old structures. Bronk said he wants to reassure Society Hill residents that the school will be cautious and vigilant. "We are going to have maintenance contracts and maintain it as well as we maintain any other University building," he said. That is exactly what Peterson is worried about. He said universities have a dismal record when it comes to preserving and restoring historic property, noting that Yale University demolished Noah Webster's original house. He also said he is concerned that the tavern will be too much of a legal risk and financial risk for the University and may eventually be sold to other parties even less concerned with preserving its architecture and history. Although the deal is not yet finalized, the museum has already been closed and its collection of 18th Century artifacts of daily life -- worth thousands of dollars -- has been dispersed, some going to Independence Park and the rest going to members of the Knauer family. The University's acquisition of the tavern is just the latest twist in the 200 year history of the buildings. Stafford's Tavern and the adjacent Benjamin Paschall House -- both of which are now incorporated into the Man Full of Trouble Tavern -- were built in 1759 along the banks of Dock Creek, then a navigable waterway. Notable today for its unique colonial architecture -- particularly its roofline, Stafford's Tavern operated as a bar and lodging house for 125 years, frequented by such famous Philadelphians as John Wood, a renowned colonial clockmaker. But the Tavern had been converted to other purposes and had fallen into disrepair by the dawn of this century. The Tavern was named a historically and architecturally significant building in a federally-sponsored 1933 Historic America Building Survey. But, in 1958, city planners scheduled the Tavern and a large part of historic Society Hill for demolition to make way for the development of Interstate 95. "We thought they should be repaired and restored," said Peterson, who worked along with other concerned Society Hill residents to save some of the area's historic buildings. "We know from looking at the buildings themselves that they were five very important old houses." Peterson said he spent all his spare time for the next two years researching the history of the buildings and trying to prevent their demolition. "Mayor [Richardson] Dilworth got mad at me," Peterson said in an interview earlier this week. "He thought we were all nuts for wanting to save the buildings." In 1959, the Philadelphia Society for the Preservation of Landmarks passed a resolution, written by Peterson, alerting the public that the Tavern and Paschall House were important buildings in jeopardy of destruction. Peterson said he and the other area residents then launched a newspaper campaign to save the Tavern. "After the campaign they didn't dare pull it down," he said. In 1960, Wilhelm Knauer -- the wealthy chairman of the Old Philadelphia Development Corporation -- offered to buy the Tavern and Paschall House from the city redevelopment authority. Knauer proposed to set up a foundation to restore the buildings to their 18th century condition and operate them as a public museum. In 1963, the Knauer Foundation restored Stafford's Tavern and Paschall House, stocking them with colonial artifacts -- including some that were unearthed during excavation of the Tavern cellar. The two buildings were collectively renamed -- borrowing the title of an area bar -- the Man Full of Trouble Tavern and Museum. Until its closing last year, the museum was run by a curator and open to the public only once a month. "It wasn't open much, but at least it was impeccably maintained," Hamel said.
(09/21/94 9:00am)
The Republican Party hopes to send a message to President Clinton this November: your days in office are numbered. And Rick Santorum wants to help deliver that message. The two-term Republican Congressman from Pennsylvania's 18th District -- encompassing the industrial Monogahela Valley as well as most of the Pittsburgh suburbs -- is challenging incumbent U.S. Senator Harris Wofford in one of the most watched races in the country. Wofford's 1991 victory over former U.S. Attorney General and Pennsylvania Governor Dick Thornburgh, a veteran GOP politico, surprised observers and shook the Bush administration's confidence in winning a second term. Now, the GOP is looking for Santorum to turn the tables on Wofford and score a similar upset, perhaps spearheading a Republican takeover in the Senate. "There is an excellent opportunity [for the Republicans to gain control] in the Senate," Santorum said in an interview last week. "This is one of the seats that will determine that." Upsets are nothing new to the 36-year-old Santorum. He defeated seven-term Democratic Congressman Doug Walgren in 1990 with virtually no party support by running a powerful grassroots campaign. When Democratic state lawmakers redrew the 18th District before the 1992 election, Santorum found himself in an unfamiliar blue-collar district and the GOP gave him up for dead. But Santorum fought back with another populist campaign and won with over 60 percent of the vote. Santorum said that this race is different. While claiming he is still running a grassroots effort, Santorum is receiving strong party support. He is also getting national media attention, much of it positive. But Santorum faces a well-organized Wofford campaign orchestrated by political consultants James Carville and Paul Begala -- the same team that engineered Wofford's 1991 victory over Thornburgh and went on to manage Clinton's presidential campaign. Although the election is still two months away, the rhetoric is heating up and the mud is starting to fly. In television ads, Santorum characterizes Wofford as a Washington insider and Democratic Party hack, while Wofford attacks Santorum for missing votes in the House. Santorum defends his record as "a darn good one" and claims Wofford's allegations are "bogus." "My voting record is 93 percent in this Congress," he said. "Wofford's was worse the year he first ran. It's a bogus claim." In the House, Santorum has earned a reputation as a young reformer not afraid to challenge the authority of his party. A member of the so-called "Gang of Seven" freshmen representatives, Santorum fought for full disclosure of the House banking scandal in 1991 and has worked during his second term to cut government spending. "I've always run as a fighter and someone who's independent and that still holds true," Santorum said. Adding that he was not sure what reforms he might push for if elected to the Senate, Santorum chose to attack Wofford instead. "Wofford has become the consummate insider, White House pol who takes his lead from the AFL-CIO, Democratic party and the president," he said. "Those are the people who pull his strings." Santorum said people want an "outsider" in Washington. He sees this election as a referendum on the Clinton agenda. "[The Democrats] are defending the ideas of the 1960s and we are looking for something that is different, for really new ideas," Santorum said. "We need new ideas from a younger generation, new vision for the future that is the next century of American civilization." Santorum's vision stands in stark contrast to most major Clinton initiatives. On higher education, Santorum advocates moderate reforms instead of sweeping change. He opposes the Americorp National Service program as "a government jobs program" and instead proposes a return to "traditional American volunteerism." He also opposes the new direct student loan program recently passed by Congress, claiming that it abandons experienced lending institutions in favor of tinkering with a system that was working satisfactorily. On health care -- the issue which Wofford put on the national agenda during his 1991 campaign -- Santorum also favors a moderate approach: insurance reform. And Santorum again goes after Wofford's record. "[Wofford] peaked the night of his election," Santorum said. "And he's been irrelevant to the process [of health care reform] ever since. "This is a guy who promised everything to get elected and had no idea what do to once he got there," he continued. "It's sad. [Wofford] just became a member of the choir. He had a chance to make an impact and he just let go and let the voters of Pennsylvania down. We need someone more active, more vibrant, and Harris just hasn't been up to it and won't ever be up to it." Santorum said Wofford is now "grasping at straws, willing to vote for any bill that has health care on it in order to say he brought home the health care package he promised." If elected, Santorum said he will spend more time in Pennsylvania listening to voters and helping communities than Wofford did.
(09/14/94 9:00am)
University work-study students may soon be able to earn money for their educations while interning for various branches of city government. A bill introduced at yesterday's City Council meeting by Council members Jannie Blackwell and David Cohen would allow the city to contract with area colleges and universities to permit students to earn work-study dollars while working for city government. Blackwell said yesterday that while she does not know of any other city governments currently using work-study students as interns, the federal government and the Philadelphia Mayor's Office often employ college students. The bill is part of a program -- favored by Cohen and Blackwell -- to open up City Hall to the community. "I thought this would be great for students and for [City] Council," Blackwell said. "It's a chance to help students pay for their educations and learn about city government at the same time." The specific arrangements have yet to be worked out with area schools, she said. John Rudolph, who directs the University work-study program through the Student Employment Office, said yesterday he has not heard of Blackwell's proposal. But Rudolph said the University currently allows students to earn work-study money while employed in off-campus jobs. City Council will vote on the work-study bill Sept. 22. Blackwell says the bill is well-supported and will probably pass. In another bill that would affect the University, Council member Joan Specter wants to establish a $100 fine for urinating in public. The proposed fine -- which could be imposed against anyone from derelicts to beer-bloated University students wandering home from fraternity parties -- grew out of South Street residents' concerns about the number of drunken weekend revelers urinating on the street. "There is a tremendous amount of public urination -- it has gotten really, really bad," Specter said yesterday, adding that all areas of the city are affected by this yellow peril. "It's happening everywhere," she said. "It's a general break down about how people feel about what they do." Philadelphia, unlike many other cities such as New York and San Francisco, has never had an ordinance banning public urination. Philadelphia Police can currently summarily arrest people caught urinating in public for disorderly conduct, but the procedure is cumbersome and rarely used. Specter said police and community groups asked her to propose the public urination bill. "It is really a major quality of life issue," she said. "Not just for those people whose property is defecated or urinated on, but for all those people who have to walk by it and smell the stuff." The new ordinance would allow police to issue $100 tickets on the spot. The fine would be reduced to $25 if paid within the 10 days. Blackwell said yesterday she is not supportive of the bill because she fears it might discriminate against the handicapped or the homeless. Specter said such fears were "absolutely groundless." "No police officer is going to give a homeless person a ticket," Specter said, adding the bill is designed to go after "adult juvenile delinquents," not those who cannot help themselves. "Some handicapped people have bladder control problems, but do they urinate in the street? No." Blackwell also said she is concerned that Council will impose the new fines before resolving the long-standing issue of installing public toilets in the city. Specter agreed it is time for the city to build public toilet facilities around the city, and said she would like to see the public urination fine phased in to areas as public toilets become available. "It's just a matter of will," she said, adding that the city has the money to cover the cost of plumbing and the rest of the costs that will be undertaken by the private contractor that installs the toilets. Specter said the first step will be a public hearing on the issue on September 27. Although Council adjourned last night before Specter could introduce her bill, she said she will bring the issue back up at next week's Council meeting on September 22. She said she thinks there is broad support for her bill and that it should pass. The bill is co-sponsored by council members Thacher Longstreth, James Kenney, Anna Verna.
(09/14/94 9:00am)
Talks between University and city officials over acquisition of the Philadelphia Civic Center have been suspended indefinitely, placing the deal in jeopardy, the chief University negotiator said yesterday. Gordon Williams, senior vice president of the Medical Center, said yesterday that while the deal is not dead, no date has been set for resumption of talks with the city. "We are still interested in the site and they are still interested in selling it," he said. "But due to a number of factors, we both agreed to put the discussion on hold for an indefinite period of time." Williams, who has lead the University's negotiating team, said he is "more pessimistic than the city" about the chances for a final settlement. The Hospital of the University of Pennsylvania had planned to locate a $1 billion ambulatory care complex on the 19.5 acre site. Williams said HUP is now considering alternative plans. The University announced it intended to buy the Civic Center in October 1993. Negotiations dragged throughout last year, finally becoming bogged down over a number of issues this August. Williams characterized the disagreements as relating to "the value of the land," including its price and who will pay for demolition of the building to make way for the HUP facility. Philadelphia Mayor Ed Rendell, a University alumnus, has said that uncertainty over federal health care reform has given the University cold feet about deal. But Williams, who said that this may be true, added that it is not the major stumbling block at this stage. Neither Williams nor city officials would discuss the city's asking price or how much it differs from what the University is willing to pay. Some reports have put the discrepancy at tens of millions of dollars. Last spring, Rendell suggested $10 million would be a fair price for the land, prompting outrage from some City Council members who claimed such a price constitutes a giveaway. City Council member Jannie Blackwell said yesterday that the Council wants a fair deal for both the city and the University. She said that the city and the University must be very far apart on the price if even Rendell -- perhaps the University's biggest fan in city government -- says the University is not willing to pay enough. Blackwell also said she is encouraged that University President Judith Rodin has "creative new usage ideas" for the Civic Center site. And she added that the city desperately needs money, so the deal will likely go through eventually. Rendell has said that negotiations could begin again and that the deal is not in as much trouble as University officials allege. He has also said that most issues of price have been settled and that the disagreement now primarily concerns who will pay the $20 million cost of demolishing the Civic Center. Williams said while no negotiations are currently taking place, "the lines of communication are still open." The medical complex HUP planned to build on the site would expand the hospital's outpatient care capability, as well as augment its acute care and research facilities. The project would take 20 years to complete and generate at least 4,500 jobs per year until the construction is finished.
(09/13/94 9:00am)
Louis Pollak, a University law professor and federal judge, has recused himself from the retrial of a former Wharton student who he sentenced to 17 years in prison in 1988. Pollak's recusal, handed down September 2, is just the latest twist in seven years of legal wrangling over the fate of Alexander Moskovits, who was arrested for drug trafficking in 1987. Moskovits has always maintained that Pollak's ties to the University -- Pollak has been a law school professor for more than 20 years and his wife, Katherine Pollak, also works for the University -- created an appearance of conflict of interest. Moskovits claimed that the University had more than a casual interest in the outcome of his case -- instituting their own judicial proceedings against him and receiving updates on the progress of his case from U.S. attorneys. He also alleges that this interest was not properly disclosed to Pollak. Pollak, in recusing himself from the case, acknowledged that he would have refused to preside at Moskovits' 1988 trial had he known of the University's interest in the case. While Pollak's recusal may be a personal victory for Moskovits, it is unclear whether a new judge helps or hurts his chances for ultimate acquittal. William Kunstler, famous New York defense attorney and Moskovits' lawyer until last April, said previously that Pollak had treated Moskovits better than most judges would. He also said that Moskovits was risking his own case by pushing for Pollak's recusal. Moskovits -- a single credit shy of completing his undergraduate degree -- was charged with 22 federal drug counts, including one under the "the drug kingpin" statute, for cocaine trafficking. U.S. attorneys attempted to link Moskovits to shipments of 10 kilograms of cocaine through Philadelphia and the University. He was convicted on 18 counts and sentenced to eight years in prison in 1988. In 1993, after serving six years of his sentence, Moskovits' conviction was overturned after his lawyers argued that his original attorney had acted improperly. Last winter Moskovits won release on bail pending his new trial, but was confined to house arrest in Miami. Moskovits, feeling he could best handle his own case, dismissed the lawyers who had won his release and retrial and decided to represent himself at the new trial, originally scheduled for last May. That trial was delayed over the summer so that Moskovits and prosecutors could prepare their cases. It is now scheduled for September 21 in Center City. Federal Judge C.C. Newcomer will preside over the jury trial. Assistant U.S. Attorney Kristin Hayes who has prosecuted Moskovits' case from the beginning, said yesterday that the government is ready to proceed with its case. Moskovits said in a telephone interview from Miami that he is pleased Pollak finally recused himself.
(09/13/94 9:00am)
Controversial Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan will speak at the Philadelphia Civic Center Sept. 24 about the need to end violence within the black community. Farrakhan has garnered national attention for his radical pronouncements, which many consider anti-Semitic and racist. When he spoke at the University's Irvine Auditorium in 1988, Farrakhan's appearance drew strong student protest and debate. Some considered the controversy damaging to race relations on campus. No official protest is planned over this year's speech. "This is an off-campus event and we're treating it as that," said Jeremy Brochin, director of Penn Hillel. "Students may do what they wish on their own." Brochin added that he does not expect much student reaction. Burt Fiegel, associate executive director of the Jewish Community Relations Council, said his organization will issue a joint-statement with a number of other community and religious groups urging Farrakhan to refrain from divisive rhetoric. Fiegel and Brochin both noted that Farrakhan has toned down his speeches in recent years, becoming less controversial. He seems to have edged away from Khallid Abdul Muhammad, his former aide who captured national attention by making virulently anti-Semitic speeches at campuses across the country last year. But Farrakhan's appearance remains provocative. Benjamin Chavis, former director of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, was roundly criticized for including Farrakhan in a national meeting of black community leaders held earlier this summer in Baltimore. Farrakhan's speech is being sponsored by local Muhammad's Mosque No. 12. Admission is $12 at the door and $10 in advance. Civic Center doors open at 5 p.m. and Farrakhan is scheduled to speak at 7 p.m.
(09/09/94 9:00am)
Relief for harried University City commuters is expected to rumble into campus this November when the Southeastern Pennsylvania Transit Authority opens a new rail station. The "University City Station," currently being constructed between Spruce and Convention Center Avenue behind the Penn Tower Hotel, will allow riders direct access to the R-1 airport line, as well as the R-2 to Elwyn and West Chester and the R-3 to Wilmington, Delaware. The $9 million project is designed "to provide access for the Civic Center, Drexel University, the Children's Hospital of Philadelphia, the Hospital of the University of Pennsylvania and Veterans' Administration Medical Center" as well as the University, SEPTA spokesperson Terry Sawishin said. Reuben David, chief civil engineer for the City, which is overseeing the station's construction, said the project is on schedule, with SEPTA and the City aiming to begin service to the station before Thanksgiving. No opening date has yet been set, he added. Robert Furniss, director of University Transportation and Parking, and Ed Dornheim, SEPTA's operations manager, said they want to see the facility working in November, but acknowledged the station's opening might be delayed until January or February because some of the equipment needed for its completion has not arrived. The University is also negotiating with SEPTA officials to create a "circulator bus" that would travel a loop between 30th Street Station and the new regional rail stop, ferrying commuters to points around University City, Furniss said. He said the plan is to have buses running every 20 to 25 minutes, with 10 minute intervals during rush hour. A circulator bus ride from 30th Street Station to the University would cost about 50 cents, Furniss said. He added that the University is hoping SEPTA will begin the bus service in November whether or not the University City rail stop is ready, but both Furniss and SEPTA officials emphasized that negotiations are not yet final. "We'll take it as soon as we can get it," Furniss said. Georgina Habtemicael, vice president of Lady Liberty Transportation, the main private airport shuttle serving University City, said the new rail station will probably have some negative impact on her business. But she added that the convenience of door-to-door service and the ability to transport large amounts of luggage will continue to make her service -- which costs $8 compared to $6 for the airport rail and $20 for a taxi -- appealing to most University community travellers. Plans for the University City train stop have been in the works since 1981 when the R-1 high speed airport rail was first envisioned, according to Denise Goran, deputy mayor for transportation. Although the rail line was completed in 1984, no additional stations were built along it because of the enormous expense and changes in the outlook of the city, Goran said. "The University has been pushing for [the station] for a long time," Furniss said. "SEPTA finally realized it would be a positive to their system." Dornheim said SEPTA expects the University City Station will boost ridership and accessibility along the three regional rail lines, particularly invigorating the sluggish airport line, which currently has only about 1,600 riders. Despite hopes for increased ridership, SEPTA will probably not be able to increase the number of trains running along the lines because they are already tightly scheduled with one train arriving every half hour, Dornheim said. Goran said the new stop is now "the number one priority" on the R-1 line. "University City became the market with the greatest growth potential," she explained. Goran said designs for the University City station were submitted in 1991 and construction began more than a year ago. University Police Commissioner John Kuprevich said the University's Crime Prevention Task Force has already begun coordinating with Philadelphia and SEPTA police to make sure that new station is safe and does not attract more crime to the area. Kuprevich said he has personally walked the site, checked all access points to the station and talked to SEPTA about installing lighting and emergency phones. He said he expects the station to be "a very positive" addition to the community. Furniss said he thinks some areas around the station may need to be made "more user friendly" or sealed off to keep the area safe.
(05/13/94 9:00am)
Community House Assistant Dean-in-Residence Judith Hillard said she is pursuing legal action against the University in the hopes of retaining her job. Hillard's announcement follows a University investigation into allegations she misused work-study money. Residential Living Director Gigi Simeone began an investigation into Hillard's activities after two Community House residents alleged that Hillard often used work-study staff working in the Community House office to run personal errands for her while they were on duty. Hillard denies any wrong doing. The students alleged the personal errands included moving Hillard's car, buying her groceries, returning and picking up her video rentals and going to the MAC machine for her. Simeone concluded her investigation into Hillard's activities late last month but refused to make the results public, citing University regulations requiring personnel matters to remain confidential. But sources close to Simeone's investigation said last week that Hillard is being transferred to a similar administrative position within the Residential Living Department, but was being removed from work-study supervision. Hillard, who refused to comment extensively on the case, said last week that she has also heard reports that she will be transferred, but that "nothing has been confirmed yet." She added that she has filed a "legal grievance" against the University in order to keep her current job in Community House, a college house in the Quadrangle. Hillard's attorney could not be reached for comment and Hillard refused to specify the nature of her grievance. Pending Simeone's report, Community House's work-study money was recaptured by the University in April, Student Employment Manager John Rudolph said. This means the University is now paying Community House office workers from a University account that includes no federal money. Rudolph refused to reveal the amount of money involved, but sources place the figure recaptured at $10,000 to $20,000. Hillard said previously that if work-study students did personal jobs for her, they were compensated by her, and not by the University. Eight Community House office staff contacted by The Daily Pennsylvanian said they had been asked to run errands for Hillard and none of these students said Hillard compensated them separately. If the allegations against Hillard are true, they constitute a violation of federal work-study guidelines, Rudolph said. And he said that Hillard "had been removed as a federal work-study supervisor." Wharton senior and a resident advisor in Community House David Schlosser alleged that Simeone knew about problems with Hillard's use of work-study staff in December and failed to take action to prevent further abuse. Schlosser brought up an incident in which Hillard asked a work-study staffer to do personal tasks for her during a meeting he had with both Hillard and Simeone just prior to winter break. Simeone said last month that she had investigated Schlosser's allegations in January and concluded that Hillard had a legitimate explanation of the events Schlosser described. She refused to comment on what Hillard's explanation was. But Deputy Provost George Koval said he was satisfied with Simeone's investigation into the earlier allegations.
(05/13/94 9:00am)
For many seniors, Commencement is a time of nostalgic musing about the past and anxious anticipation for the future. It's the same for Interim President Claire Fagin. When Fagin steps out onto the platform in the middle of Franklin Field on May 19, she will become the first female president of an Ivy League school to graduate a class. It will be a major highlight in Fagin's personal and professional life, as well as in the history of the University. "Graduation for me will be one of the great experiences of my life," Fagin said earlier this semester. "It will be the first time a woman has ever stood on that platform." Fagin, who went on to describe the pageantry and tradition connected with the University's Commencement ceremony as a "mind boggling" and "phenomenal" experience, is working hard to prepare for what may be the crowning symbolic moment in her administration. "I'm a nervous wreck," Fagin admitted earlier this week. "I'm writing and writing and cutting and cutting and adding and adding." While Fagin has another month and a half on the job until President-elect Judith Rodin arrives from Yale to take the helm, Commencement will be the last major address in her year-long tenure as interim president. Over the past year, Fagin has labored to rebuild the University's image -- an image that was left shattered by an onslaught of negative coverage in the national media surrounding the "water buffalo" and Daily Pennsylvanian confiscation incidents. And Fagin has worked hard to try to rebuild a sense of community at the University, another victim of last year's strife. For the most part, Fagin believes she has succeeded. "By and large, the mood has changed on campus and definitely the mood has changed externally," she said. "Our alumni feel good about the University again." Fagin points to her decision to modify the University's much-criticized speech code and her work with key University committees, including the Commission on Strengthening the Community and the Judicial Reform Committee as some of the greatest accomplishments of her year in office. After decades of debate, Fagin's administration was the first to put women on Locust Walk with the Penn Women's Center scheduled to move into the now-vacant Theta Xi fraternity house by the start of the next academic year. Fagin said she has learned that it is hard for one person, even the president, to change an institution as large as the University. She added that she has sometimes been frustrated and disappointed by the pace at which things are accomplished. Fagin said she would like to have seen the plans for the Revlon Center finalized earlier, a final version of the Code of Student Conduct, Academic Integrity and new judicial procedures in place, and a decision on the fate of ROTC on campus by the end of the semester. She acknowledged, though, that all these things were not possible. Still, Fagin said she feels very good about her time in office and hopes several trends began under her administration that will continue in the future. "We need to continue to develop ways of shrinking the psychological size of the University," she said. "And we need to talk more. We need to talk to each other to find out what needs to be done." After stepping down at the end of June, Fagin will take a year off, returning to her research in health care and nursing. She said she will be available to assist Rodin in her transition should she need any help.
(04/27/94 9:00am)
The Executive Committee of the University Board of Trustees unanimously voted to confirm Stanley Chodorow as the University's next provost Friday. Chodorow, who is currently associate vice chancellor for academic planning and dean of the arts and humanities at the University of California at San Diego, will take office July 1. While the vote was unanimous, there were few nervous moments for Chodorow when Interim President Claire Fagin almost forgot to make the resolution for confirmation of his appointment. "I thought I was forgetting a major resolution," Fagin said just as she was about to tell Interim Provost Marvin Lazerson to make his report to the Trustees. Fagin then read the resolution and Chodorow was appointed provost without incident. Fagin wished Chodorow well on his move "from the sunbelt to the culture belt." The Executive Committee also approved approximately $1.9 million for exterior renovations to the School of Dental Medicine's Evans Building, $1.3 million for repair of the Franklin Field's South Lower Grandstand and $320,000 for renovations to the School of Medicine's John Morgan Building. Executive Vice President Janet Hale told the Trustees that the renovations to Franklin Field, estimated to cost $6.8 million in total, are running "slightly" over budget. The Executive Committee also approved the purchase of a new computerized voice processing system -- which handles the University's voice mail and Penn Automated Registration and Information System -- for $496,000. The Committee also voted to establish a trust fund for post-retirement benefits, other than pensions, for faculty and staff. In her report to the Trustees, Fagin praised the Commission on Strengthening the Community for finishing its monumental report on time. "No one should underestimate the debt we owe Gloria Chisum and the other Commission members," Fagin said. Chisum, the Commission's chairperson, is also vice chairperson of the Trustees and a member of the Trustees' Executive Committee. Fagin said her office has drafted a list of those Commission recommendations which will be implemented and in what order they will be implemented. She also briefed the Executive Committee on the progress of the Student Judicial Reform Committee, which has prepared a draft of a new Code of Student Conduct, Code of Academic Integrity and Judicial Charter. Fagin told the Trustees that the proposals are being deliberated and will soon be finished. And Fagin said the University is still awaiting "final action" in Harrisburg on the University's state funding, but expects to hear soon from the legislature. She also said the outlook for the University's continued development campaign is optimistic. Lazerson told the Trustees of the resignation of Deputy Provost Walter Wales, who will return to teaching in the Physics Department by next December, and Director of the African American Resource Center Allen Green, who is leaving the University to become dean of the College at Wesleyan University. Hale reported that the University is expected to break even this year after $2 million was found to cover loans to the School of Veterinary Medicine. Medical Center Director William Kelley told the Executive Committee of a new relationship the Center has forged with Germantown Hospital. And Chairperson of the Trustees Investment Committee John Neff told the Executive Committee that despite difficult financial markets and rising interest rates, the University's portfolio continues to perform well.
(04/22/94 9:00am)
Stanley Chodorow is expected to be confirmed as the University's next provost at the Stated Meeting of the Executive Committee of the University Board of Trustees today. The Trustees, many of whom have been on campus since Wednesday for their annual set of late April meetings, will vote on Chodorow's appointment after some brief remarks from Interim President Claire Fagin, University Secretary Barbara Stevens said last night. Chodorow is currently the associate vice chancellor for academic planning and dean of arts and humanities at the University of California at San Diego. President-elect Judith Rodin announced Chodorow's selection for the provostship at a press conference on campus Wednesday. At UCSD, a school of 17,000 students, Chodorow is responsible for academic, physical and capital planning, as well as the oversight of seven departments and 15 interdisciplinary programs, containing a total of more than 200 faculty members. No opposition is expected to his confirmation, Stevens said. Once confirmed, Chodorow will take office on July 1, replacing Interim Provost Marvin Lazerson whose one-year term expires on the same day. Deferred maintenance will also be on the Trustees' agenda today as they vote on financing for renovations to the Evans Building of the School of Dental Medicine, the rehabilitation of the south lower grandstand of Franklin Field and renovations to the School of Medicine's John Morgan Building. In addition to Fagin's report, the Trustees will hear reports from Lazerson, Executive Vice President Janet Hale and Med School Dean William Kelley. The Trustees will also vote on the appointment of several University alumni to the oversight boards of the School of Social Work, the School of Veterinary Medicine and the Wistar Institute. The Stated Meeting will be held in the Tea Room of the Faculty Club at 2 p.m. It is open to the public.
(04/21/94 9:00am)
Stanley Chodorow, an associate vice chancellor at the University of California at San Diego, will be the University's next provost, President-elect Judith Rodin announced yesterday afternoon. Chodorow, who must be confirmed by the University Board of Trustees before taking office this summer, is associate vice chancellor for academic planning and dean of arts and humanities at UCSD. He is also a noted medieval legal historian. Rodin made her announcement before an assembled crowd of University officials, including many Trustees, at a press conference in Houston Hall's Bodek Lounge. She used the event as an opportunity to set the tone for her new administration. In what Rodin described as her "first -- and most important -- appointment" as president-elect, she said she wanted to send a message to those still doubtful about the future of the University. "[Chodorow's] career and his values have all been driven by his zeal for academic excellence -- in research, in undergraduate teaching, in doctoral and professional education, in faculty development and in community service," she said. "These shared values will be the hallmark of our administration." She also described Chodorow, who will be the top academic officer of the University, as a "great partner," possessing both personal energy and a drive to excel. After the announcement, Rodin said she and Chodorow wanted to focus on two priorities in the first months of their administration: publicizing those University areas which have achieved unparalleled excellence, and then seizing opportunities for change across campus. Rodin said she would like to see the University become known as the visionary institution of the Ivy League, adding that this innovation must be elicited from within the University and not "legislated from the top down." In an address sprinkled with witty one-liners, Chodorow said he is awed and excited by his nomination as provost. He also declared that he had "already conceived a deep affection and regard" for the University. Chodorow said he was attracted to the University by both its academic reputation and a realization that the challenges facing the University are similar to those which he has dealt with at UCSD. He also said he is impressed by the love and dedication people express for the University. "This is an institution on the move with its head going in the right direction, facing the right direction, and with enormous energy," Chodorow said, speaking about how he came to be interested in the provostship. "And then I met Judith Rodin, and she may have found in me a perfect partner, I certainly found in her a perfect boss." Chodorow said he is interested in taking part in the cultural, sports and entertainment opportunities of Philadelphia. An avid sports fan, Chodorow said he will have to give up his season tickets to the San Diego Padres to move to Philadelphia. At UCSD, Chodorow was forced to eliminate prestigious departments and slash budgets after the State of California cut nine percent out of the school's budget last year. Asked if he sees similarities between UCSD's cuts and recent department closings at the University, and whether he will make further cuts at the University, Chodorow said it is not his "style" to cut departments. He said he prefers to find alternate ways of enhancing the educational environment through restructuring. After the press conference, Interim President Claire Fagin, who Rodin will succeed on July 1, said she is delighted by Chodorow's selection. "I think he is just spectacular," she said. "He hit every right note. There was not one missed beat in what he had to say." Chairperson of the University Board of Trustees Alvin Shoemaker, who also attended the press conference, said he believes Chodorow will be a refreshing addition to the University. "I'm thrilled we are going to get a perspective from outside the Ivy League," he said. "We in the East spend too much time talking to each other." Chodorow succeeds Interim Provost Marvin Lazerson, who received high praise for his leadership yesterday from Fagin, Rodin and Chodorow. And Lazerson said he too is happy with Rodin's choice for the next provost. "I am pleased to hand the reigns over to [Chodorow] and I am delighted to hand the job over to a fellow historian," Lazerson said, adding he will be available to assist Chodorow as he makes his transition to the University. Some University officials said they are impressed that Chodorow came off as personable and down-to-earth. "That was the most genuine presentation by a real human being I have seen in a long time and that is wonderful," Assistant to the President Nicholas Constan said. And School of Engineering and Applied Sciences Dean Gregory Farrington said he likes Chodorow's "values, wit and enthusiasm for the University and Philadelphia." Chodorow was selected by a 16-member search committee, chaired by Economics Professor Andrew Postlewaite, after a six-month search. The committee presented a list of finalists to Rodin a few months ago. She then interviewed candidates and deliberated on her selection. Chodorow was hired last Saturday, Rodin said. He is only the second provost to be chosen from outside the University. The last permanent provost, Michael Aiken, left the University last July to become chancellor of the University of Illinois at Champaign-Urbana.
